Powerful testimony from a Chinese Canadian University Professor at the Foreign Interference Inquiry on 2 October 2024

Thank you for the chance to share my voice. As a Chinese Canadian, I think it's time for the silent majority among us to speak up for a balanced perspective. I’m a full professor in a top research Canadian University, with extensive publications, and national and international recognitions. Beyond that, I’m a proud Canadian mom. This Commission’s decision will impact not just me, but also our students, kids and future generations. 

I've participated in Canadian elections, voting based on my judgment of each politician's policies, record learned from their platforms and the media. The fact that many of us are on Chinese language apps does not mean we do not look at other sources of information and cannot think for ourselves. The stereotype that Chinese Canadians are more vulnerable to foreign interference is discriminatory and baseless.

History has painful lessons about Chinese exclusion in Canada.

  • Chinese arrived in Canada since 1788. They were hardworking and endured hardships beyond what others could tolerate. 12,000 Chinese immigrants worked for the trans-Canada railroad, and many lost their lives due to the harsh condition.   
  • However, by the 1870s, the media began spreading anti-Chinese rhetoric, leading to widespread violence and the 1923 Chinese Exclusion Act.

Sadly, this cycle seems to be repeating today. Some media and politicians have turned their attacks against the Chinese government into attacks against Chinese people, fanning anti-Chinese sentiment. One politician has been especially vocal, framing China as an enemy and even calling for a “new Cold War.” Such rhetoric directly hurts Chinese Canadians, being targets of the resulting hostility. I voted against him because I stand for peace, not because I was influenced by the Chinese government. 

I’m deeply concerned that his approach portrays Chinese Canadian voters as incapable of independent thought, implying that if we don’t share his views, we must be under foreign interference. Many other politicians, journalists, and activists are also pushing the narrative that Chinese Canadians who don’t adopt a harshly critical view of China should be suspected of being foreign agents. This is unfair, dangerous, and reduces us to second-class citizens in our own country. 

I fully support making our electoral processes fair and free of foreign interference. But singling out China as the primary concern is unjustified and uncomfortable, especially when someone’s election loss is attributed to unproven claims of Chinese interference.

As a professor, I know that labeling people is never right; we judge students by their work, not by labels. The same should apply to foreign nations. We must evaluate them based on facts. Did they start wars, harm innocents, or invade others? We should hold every country to the same standards, always putting Canada’s national interests first. As a U.S. politician once said: A nation has "No permanent friends, no permanent enemies, only permanent interests."

It's disheartening that I have to speak anonymously today. The anti-China sentiment in Canada is so intense that I’m afraid of retaliation for sharing my views. The hostility is so pervasive that I was advised to stay anonymous to protect myself, my family, and even the university. This shows how far the anti-China hysteria has spread and how real the threats against Chinese Canadians have become. In a recent issue of Canadian Ethnic Studies, a survey in November 2022 to February 2023 revealed that 40% of Chinese-origin STEM professors felt anxiety about being under surveillance by the Canadian government, compared to just 11% of non-Chinese professors. Given the recent surge in anti-China sentiment, these numbers are likely even worse today. 

The climate of fear and suspicion began with the Trump administration's “China Initiative” in the US in 2018, targeting perceived Chinese spies in academia and industry. Many innocent Chinese-origin professors were wrongfully prosecuted as spies, even without evidence, losing their jobs and facing high legal fees and mental torture. Recently, Jane Wu, a distinguished China-born scientist, lost her research lab due to a security investigation. Being stripped of her right to research, she took her own life, and we lost the star researcher forever.  

The same atmosphere is brewing in Canada. In Nov. 2022 and April 2024, Yuesheng Wang, a former Hydro-Quebec employee, was accused of being a Chinese spy, making headlines before his trial even began. Yet, we’ve heard nothing about the trial’s outcome. It’s shocking to read that accusations against him are based on vague statements like “he seems to promise to transfer technology to China," Shouldn't espionage charges be based on actions with clear, hard evidence? Charging someone based on what they might do is deeply troubling and sets a dangerous precedent.

As a professor, I’ve seen how anti-China rhetoric has led to new policies to restrict research collaborations with Chinese scholars, damaging beneficial academic exchanges. These policies not only harm our research but also cast a shadow over Chinese-origin academics, from denied funding to direct harassment, all under the guise of national security. One hiring committee member even suggested investigating candidates solely based on their last names, assuming they might be “risky” due to perceived foreign ties. This profiling is blatant discrimination, contradicting the values of inclusivity and diversity that Canada claims to uphold.  This hostile environment is fueled by exaggerated or false claims about Chinese interference spread by reporters, politicians, and anti-China groups.

This climate has made us the targets of suspicion, so I've had to cut off ongoing research collaborations and abandoned funding applications because I can't "prove" my research poses no potential risk. This alone could result in funding rejection by CSIS. 

Meanwhile, these new research security policies rest on two flawed assumptions. The first is that collaborating with China only benefits them. This ignores the reality: China has made remarkable strides in the last four decades, with a STEM workforce ten times larger than ours. According to the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, China now leads in 57 out of 64 technologies. Very often, we gain more from these collaborations.

One example is the mental health collaboration program in one of Canada’s strategic research priorities. Each year, Chinese researchers, funded by their government, come to Canada to share their findings. With a much larger population, their data and insights are invaluable to us. But this year, 17 out of 20 couldn’t get visas to attend the workshop here. That’s a total loss for Canada. 

The second outdated assumption is that China can steal our research for military or industrial gains. Let’s be real: knowledge today grows at a pace never seen before, especially with the Internet. Picture our collective knowledge as a giant ball—its surface marks the boundary between what we know and the unknown. As this ball expands, so does that boundary, and that’s where academic research operates: pushing into the unknown.

In academia, we value originality. We push boundaries, develop new technologies, and focus sharply to advance quickly. We publish openly, aiming for impact. There's a vast gap between academic findings and practical, market-ready solutions—industry experts bridge that gap. So, "stealing" academic research is pointless; it's already out there, accessible to everyone. Hunting for spies in universities is close to modern-day witch-hunting.

Overly broad and vague research security measures aimed at fighting foreign interference are weakening the very foundation of our research. Our universities are losing top talent, reducing productivity due to compromised academic freedom, and cutting services for students due to budget deficit. Built on flawed assumptions, these research security policies cannot protect our national security. Instead, they foster fear and anxiety in the Chinese Canadian community, discourage international talent, and risk a brain drain as top performers feel unwelcome. This not only harms our education and high-tech sectors, but ultimately weakens Canada’s global competitiveness.

Decoupling from China won’t give Canada a competitive edge either. History proves that a “closed-door” policy only hinders a nation’s growth and progress. To be competitive, we must stay open to learning, sharing knowledge, and collaborating where it benefits us most.

I urge this Commission to make a wise and informed decision for our future. We must guard against harmful foreign interference, whether it’s foreign agents coming to kill our citizens or police our people. We must do so with a balanced, fact-based approach. Overreacting to minor threats with extreme measures only hurts ourselves. If we waste our premium resources on non-essential risks, we will miss the real threats, from climate change, global pandemic, to nuclear war. 

I, along with many other Chinese Canadians, look to the Commission to put a stop to the witch hunt and defend our rights.  A nation that is open, fair, and inclusive to all is the one that will thrive and prosper in the long run.

More suggestions:

When an avalanche happens, no snowflake is innocent. The severe issues we’ve witnessed in Canada, as discussed in today’s panel, require accountability from key players:

  • Government agencies like the RCMP and CSIS must take responsibility for investigating any racial profiling/discrimination and misuse of power against innocent citizens.

  • The media must adhere to the highest standards of honesty, accuracy, and integrity. They should not knowingly spread false or misleading information. Reports need to be fact-checked and balanced. It is their duty to hold government agencies accountable, not serve as the mouthpiece of the state. 

  • Politicians must focus on solutions that lead to Canada’s peace and long-term prosperity rather than stoking hate to win votes. I will always support leaders who offer positive solutions, not those who shift blame without progress.

  • Policymakers must consult with experts and those impacted to craft sensible policies. Once problems are identified, they should swiftly adjust any ineffective or harmful policies to ensure progress and fairness.

 

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